and jewish crimes committed during, and after World War II.
During World War 2, Jews, and many other nations, were killed in Nazi German concetration camps across Nazi Germany (Third Reich). Did you knew that Jews were cooperating with Nazis killing not only their own people? Take a look below to find out a little bit more:
Judenrats were a form of self-enforcing intermediary, used by the Nazi German (Gestapo to be more specific) administration to control larger Jewish communities in occupied areas, like for example Warsaw's Ghetto. "Thanks" to their help Nazi Germans were able to gather all the Jews in ghettos, and then in transporting them directly to the concetration camps where they were killed in gas chambers.
You can also check videos of nazi-jewish police in ghettos
Sonderkommando was a work unit made up of German Nazi death camp prisoners - mostly Jews, who were forced, on threat of their own deaths, to aid with the disposal of gas chamber victims during the Holocaust. Sonderkommando members were seen as relatively privileged, working alongside the Germans to keep the process of mass-murder running smoothly.
During WW2, and after, there were a lot of Jews who committed crimes, here is a small list of those who were most brutal: Jakub Gens, Abraham Gancwajch, Stella Kubler, Jakub Lejkin, Salomon Morel, Julia Brystiger, Chaim Rumowski, Jakub Berman, Anatol Fejgin, Tewje Bielski, Simcha Zorin, Jaakow Prenner, Chaim Lazar, Abraham Zeleznikow, Paul Bagriansky, Emil Merz, Gustaw Auscaler, Fajga Mindla-Danielak, Benjamin Wajsblech, Józef Goldberg (Różański), Izaak Fleischfarb, Maria Einseman, Braun Blumsztajn, Hersz Blumsztajn, and many others.
Concentration camps for Palestinians, unlawfull actions taken by Mossad, hiding in a shadow of "antisemitism".
It's necessary to stop, and fight jewish propaganda as it's harmful, unjustful, and most of all destructive from historical point of view.
Examples of jewish crimes committed during, and after World War 2:
The Naliboki massacre was the mass killing of approximately 128 Poles including boys by units of Sovietand Jewish partisans on May 8, 1943 in the village of Naliboki in German-occupied Poland (now Belarus).
On the night of May 8–9, 1943, jewish, and soviet partisans raided Naliboki from the depths of the Naliboki Forest. A few of the Soviet attackers, including one political officer, were killed by the defenders. Polish men were pulled from their homes, and then shot individually or in small groups. Many farmhouses were set on fire. The mass looting followed. Also killed during the Soviet attack were three Polish women, several teenagers and a ten-year-old boy. The town's church was set on fire along with the public school, fire station, and the post office. The raid took two to three hours.
The investigation into the Naliboki massacre was launched by the Institute of National Remembrance on 20 March 2001 in Łódź, along with the investigation into the Koniuchy massacre committed in the same prewar Nowogródek Voivodeship of north-eastern Poland.
It was January 28, 1944 when a group of Soviet, and Jewish partisans from Rudnicki Forest surrounded the village of Koniuchy. In the early morning the village was destroyed, and it's inhabitants killed - men, women and children. Fire destroyed the majority of the houses. That daya bout 36 to 50 innocent people were killed.
Some of the deposed witnesses gave the surnames or pseudonyms of Soviet, and Jewish partisans, also the location where those units were stationed, their size, confirming that the most numerous group consisted of partisans of Jewish nationality.
On 22 January 1943 there was that massacre in Drzewica commited by the communistic partisans unit lead by Izrael „Lew” Ajzenman (Julian Kaniewski) who (before WW2) was a common crimial convited for thievery, and a gun assault. He never paid for his crimes, and he supported communists regime till his death in 1965.
Jewish so called soldiers murdered two civilans, and five (to seven) members of NSZ (Polish National Forces which was part of an underground anti-communistic movement) in Drzewica village. They killed those people because they were against Soviet terror that started in Poland.
Yitzhak Arad is an Israeli historian, author, retired IDF brigadier general, director of Yad Vashem from 1972 to 1993, and former Soviet partisan.
Back in WW2 Arad was using Rudnicki as his last name, and he was a member of a "Vilinius" partisans group which was responsible for murdering innocent people, thievery, and other crimes.
In June 2007, Lithuania asked the State of Israel to question Arad on suspicions of war crimes and crimes against humanity. An investigation found that Arad had served in the NKVD. The Vilnius Battalion, the unit with which Arad served, has been accused of killing Lithuanian anti-communist partisans and civilians in 1943-1944, and the chief prosecutor of Lithuania suspected that Arad had been involved in these crimes, partly based on Arad’s memoir The Partisan which refers to a 1944 "mopping-up operation" against Lithuanians. Israel refused the request, and called it "nothing short of outrageous".
Lithuanian prosecutor Rimvydas Valentukevicius told AFP that the suspicions were based on Arad's own memoirs and documents obtained from the state-funded Genocide and Resistance Research Centre.
The Lithuanian newspaper Respublika deemed Arad's account in his autobiography an admission of "ethnic cleansing of Lithuanians," and demanded his prosecution. The head of the Genocide and Resistance Research Centre at the time, Arvydas Anusauskas, was involved in the initiation of a criminal investigation against Arad.
Salomon Morel was one of those communist criminals who has never been punished. The state of Israel contributed to this by refusing to hand him over to the Polish authorities.
Morel was accused of crimes against humanity, mainly for what he has done in the concetration camp of Świętochłowice.
He starved prisoners, and also deprived them of elementary medical care - thanks to this things like typhus, dysentery, head lice, and other diseases spreaded. He was torturing his prisoners by beating their whole body with wooden legs taken out of table, rubber truncheons, metal bars, which in many cases resulted in widespread injury, and repeated death as a consequence.
The allegations were based on testimony of over 100 witnesses including those who survived Świętochłowice-Zgoda concetration camp.
Morel died in Tel Aviv, Israel, without being punished for his crimes - all thanks to the state of Israel who protects war criminals, and genociders.
Stefan Michnik was born on 28 September 1929 in Drohobycz (Second Polish Republic, now Drohobych, Ukraine), He worked as a judge in postwar Poland and has been implicated in the arrest, internment and execution of a number of Polish resistance fighters. Accused of communist crimes. He lives in Sweden.
Stefan Michnik was the son of Helena Michnik and Samuel Rosenbusch nicknamed "Emil" or "Miłek" (born around 1904). His mother was a Polish-Jewish teacher in Drogobych and an activist for the Communist Party of Western Ukraine , the Communist Party of Poland, and the Stalinist Union of Polish Patriots. His father was a Jewish lawyer and communist activist, executed around 1937 in the Soviet Union during the Great Purge. Michnik's half-brother (on his mother's side) is Adam Michnik, editor-in-chief of the Polish newspaper, Gazeta Wyborcza.
Michnik became a judge in postwar Poland after completing an 8-month course for military judges in Jelenia Góra. He was recruited by the Information Bureau under the pseudonym Kazimierczak, but fired only after 11 months later, and was given severance pay of 1,000 zloty. At the beginning of 1951 Michnik was assigned a position with the Regional Military Court (Wojskowy Sąd Rejonowy, WSR) in Warsaw and two weeks later imposed his first sentence against Stanisław Bronarski, charged with membership in the AK, NSZ and NZW. Bronarski (exonerated in post-communist Poland) was given 5 consecutive death sentences and executed on 18 January 1951 at the Mokotów Prison. Michnik took part in the Trial of the Generals, dubbed a judicial murder by historians, with 40 death sentences pronounced in the fall of 1951, half of them carried out (see list of the 21 executed officers by name, with Stefan Michnik as one of the sentencing judges). After the collapse of communism he was formally implicated by Poland in the arrest, internment and staged execution of a number of Polish resistance fighters charged with anti-communist activities. Most of them were officers of the Polish Army who fought against Nazi Germany in World War II.
The list of Polish Army officers sentenced personally by Michnik, and rehabilitated without exception (also posthumously) included: Major Zefiryn Machalla - death sentence given by Michnik, the jury took a joint decision not to allow defense in the proceedings; Machalla's family was not informed about the execution, Colonel Maksymilian Chojecki - death sentence, not executed, Major Andrzej Rudolf Czaykowski - death sentence, Michnik participated personally in his execution, Major Jerzy Lewandowski - death sentence, not executed, Colonel Stanisław Wecki - lecturer at the Academy of the General Staff, sentenced to 13 years in prison, died as a result of torture, Major Zenon Tarasiewicz, case Sr 12/52, 12 years Colonel Romuald Sidorski - editor in Chief of the Quartermaster Review, sentenced to 12 years in prison, died because of lack of medical assistance, Lieutenant Colonel Aleksander Kowalski, Major Karol Sęk - artilleryman from Radom, officer of the National Armed Forces, death sentence, executed in 1952.
Michnik left Poland for Sweden (he was denied a US visa) during the 1968 Polish political crisis. He lived as a retired librarian in a small town of Storvreta near Uppsala. He is currently in a nursing home in Gothenburg. He was a contributor to Culture, Polish-émigré literary-political magazine, for which he wrote articles both as Karol Szwedowicz and under his own name. Since August 2007 the Polish Institute of National Remembrance deliberated on a motion to request his extradition. On 25 February 2010, the Military Garrison Court in Warsaw at the request of the investigation division of the IPN issued an official arrest warrant for Stefan Michnik.In October 2010, Polish prosecutors issued a European Arrest Warrant (EAW) on the same basis. On 18 November 2010, the court in Uppsala refused to extradite Stefan Michnik back to Poland explaining that his alleged criminal acts (see communist crime) committed in Poland fall outside the statute of limitations in Sweden.
Julia Brystiger (née Prajs, born November 25, 1902, in Stryj – died November 9, 1975, in Warsaw) was a Polish Communist activist and member of the security apparatus in Stalinist Poland. She was also known as Julia Brystygier, Bristiger, Brustiger, Briestiger, Brystygierowa, Bristigierowa, and by her nicknames – given by the victims of torture: Luna, Bloody Luna, Daria, Ksenia, and Maria. The nickname Bloody Luna was a direct reference of her Gestapo-like methods during interrogations.
Brystiger was the daughter of a Jewish pharmacist from Stryj (now Ukraine). Since 1927, she was an active participant in the communist movement, and in 1929 was fired because of her communist agitation. Working for the Communist Party of Poland, she was arrested several times, and in 1937 was sentenced to 2 years in prison.
After the Nazi and Soviet attack on Poland, Brystiger escaped to Samarkand, accepted Soviet citizenship and became an active member of the Soviet political administration. She created the so-called Committee of Political Prisoners, which helped the NKVD to imprison several members of the prewar Polish opposition movements. She was "denouncing people on such scale, that she antagonized even Communist party members". Ironically, at one point Brystiger oversaw the interrogation and persecution of Bela and Józef Goldberg – her future colleague, the UB interrogator known as Józef Różański. Różańskis had committed "a crime" of accepting Western food-aid in the form of two kilograms of rice and a bag of flour from the Polish Government in Exile's embassy, in order to save their daughter from starvation. A few years later, Józef Różański joined the NKVD and eventually, became a high ranking functionary in the Polish secret police. He ended up working alongside Brystiger – his former interrogator – in the Ministry of Public Security of Poland under Stalinism.
Following German Operation Barbarossa Brystiger fled to Kharkov, then to Samarkand deep in the USSR. In 1943-44, she worked for the Union of Polish Patriots, and in October 1944, joined the new Polish Workers' Party. In December 1944, after returning behind the Soviet front, Brystygier began working for the infamous Ministry of Public Security of Poland, where she soon got promoted to the rank of Director of the Fifth Department created in July 1946 specifically for the purpose of persecution and torture of Polish religious personalities. Her career is believed to have been so rapid also because she was intimate with such high functionaries as Jakub Berman and Hilary Minc. In the Polish official archives, there is an instruction written by Brystygier to her subordinates, about the purpose of torture: In fact, the Polish intelligentsia as such is against the Communist system and basically, it is impossible to re-educate it. All that remains is to liquidate it. However, since we must not repeat the mistake of the Russians after the 1917 revolution, when all intelligentsia members were exterminated, and the country did not develop correctly afterwards, we have to create such a system of terror and pressure that the members of the intelligentsia would not dare to be politically active.
Brystiger personally oversaw the first stages of each UB investigation at her place of employment. She would torture the captured persons using her own methods such as whipping male victims' genitals. One of her victims was a man named Szafarzynski – from the Olsztyn office of the Polish People's Party – who died as a result of interrogation carried out by Brystygier. One of the victims of her interrogation methods testified later: "She is a murderous monster, worse than German female guards of the concentration camps". Anna Roszkiewicz–Litwiniwiczowa, a former soldier of the Home Army, said about Brystygier: "She was famous for her sadistic tortures; she seemed to have been obsessed with sadistic treatment of genitalia and was fulfilling her libido in that way.".
Brystiger became the head of the 5th Department of MBP sometime in the late 1940s. It specialized in the persecution of Polish religious leaders. Brystygier – a dogmatic Marxist – yearned to destroy all religion as an "opiate of the masses". She directed the operation to arrest and detain the Primate of Poland, Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski. The decision to arrest him had been made earlier in Moscow. Brystygier took an active part in the "war against religion" in the 1950s, in which only in 1950 (in one year), 123 Roman Catholic priests were imprisoned. She also persecuted other congregations, such as the 2,000 jailed Jehovah's Witnesses. Julia Brystygier left the Ministry of Public Security in 1956 and tried to become a writer, authoring a novel "Crooked Letters". She worked in a publishing house under Jewish communist Jerzy Borejsza (Różański's brother), and was a frequent visitor in a boarding school for vision impaired, in a village near Warsaw.
The Forgotten Holocaust tells the story of a nation which fought on the Allied side in World War II but emerged from the war a loser, even though the Allies won. In 1945, Poland was reoccupied by its sworn enemy, Soviet Russia. Authentic Polish voices were silenced, and Polish scholarship on World War II was virtually gagged. While the Jewish Holocaust lasted four years, terror in Poland lasted for fifty years, from 1939 to 1989.
It is in this context that one should read Lukas' book. It tells the story of a country and a people that were the prime target of Nazi hate and of Soviet hate. No other nation in Europe was thus exposed to the hate of two totalitarian regimes, and no country in Europe resisted longer, or more nobly. This is what The Forgotten Holocaust faintly outlines, but it will take many more books like this one to make a dent in the consciousness of the American public. To understand The Forgotten Holocaust, one has to realize that the context of World War II for Poland was different than that for the United States. To understand the Polish story, it is crucial to remember that in September 1939, Poland was attacked by Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia. It is crucial to remember that the Soviets were sworn friends of the Nazis in 1939, in 1940, and in 1941. The year 1945 began a new reign of terror in Poland. Until 1954 in particular, the Soviet-controlled secret police murdered and terrorized people by the tens of thousands, starting with the hero of Polish resistance, General Emil Fieldorf, murdered in 1950 under Stalin's deputy in Poland, Jakub Berman, and falsely accused in a show trial by prosecutor Benjamin Wajsblech (Antoni Zambrowski, "Morderczyni sadowa na lawie oskarzonych," Tygodnik Solidarnosc, 1 January 1998). In Poland, three names strike terror into people's hearts: Adolf Hitler, Joseph Stalin, and Jakub Berman, Stalin's right hand in Poland from 1944 to 1953. Adolf Hitler's crimes are well known, Stalin's crimes are beginning to be known, but Jakub Berman's crimes are totally unknown in the West.
Lukas points out that in World War II, Poland had the largest, on a per-capita basis, and the most effective Resistance movement in Europe, and virtually no collaborators of any social stature. Poles are proud of not having produced a Quisling government or a Vichy government. Poland lost one-quarter of its population in the war. Portions of Poland were polluted by Nazi invaders who built their largest extermination camp on Polish soil. Virtually every Polish family tasted the bitter taste of displacement, death, pauperization and, after the war, total powerlessness. This part of the Polish story deserves Jewish sympathy and recognition, and Poles are eagerly awaiting for tokens of these attitudes. In 1939, Hitler said: "The destruction of Poland is our primary task. The aim is not the arrival at a certain line but the annihilation of living forces...." (Lukas 4) Before Jews became the primary target, Poles were shipped to Auschwitz by the tens of thousands.150,000 Polish Catholics went to Auschwitz. In Sachsenhausen, 20,000 Poles perished, in Mauthausen, 30,000, in Neuengamme, 17,000 (Lukas 38); 35,000 went to Dachau, 33,000 Polish women went to Ravensbrueck many of them to be experimented upon, with glass and other objects implanted in their uteruses. In view of that, to hear from uninformed members of the Jewish community that Poles participated in the annihilation of Jews makes you ask, "has the world really gone mad?" Unlike those Jews who survived the Holocaust and moved to the West, Poles remained captives of the Soviets for 45 years. Unlike the Jews, Poles were never individually compensated by Germans for forced labor and camp atrocities. Tens of thousands of Poles were executed for helping Jews. In the Belzec concentration camp alone, 1,000 Poles died solely and exclusively for having been caught helping the Jews (Lukas 150). In 1944, after the fall of the Warsaw Uprising, the Germans ordered the entire population of Warsaw man, woman, child to leave the city, somewhat like the Khmer Rouge leaders who did the same to the capital of Cambodia Phnom Penh in the 1970s. Two hundred thousand Catholic civilians died in that uprising, of those who survived, 50,000 were shipped to concentration camps.
The Germans closed all scientific, artistic and literary institutions in Poland. Some 2250 periodicals ceased publication. Polish university professors were shot or sent to concentration camps. Calorie allotment for those Poles who were not shipped to concentration camps was 669 calories per day. While this was going on, on the other side, in the Soviet-occupied part of Poland, Polish intelligentsia perished in Katyn and in the Gulag. Twenty-one thousand were murdered at Katyn, Bologoe, Dergachi. A million and a half went to the Siberian gulag. Show me another nation in Europe that suffered the fury of two of the most murderous regimes in modern history. Yet even in these circumstances, at least one million people were involved in sheltering Jews (Lukas 150). In these circumstances, everyone of them was a saint, a hero, deserving no fewer accolades than Raul Wallenberg who was sheltered from Nazi retribution by his nationality, wealth and social status. In contrast, Poles who helped Jews were protected by nothing. Lukas makes it clear, for those who wish to learn, that in Poland during the war and afterwards, terror was total. Psychologists tell us that in conditions of terror, for most people the norms of human behavior dissolve and the instinct of self-preservation takes over. Encyclopedia Judaica says: "standards of normal society did not obtain in ghettos and concentration camps." (Lukas 222) Nor did they obtain in the terrorized Polish lands. That there were so many instances of heroism, generosity, and love of one's neighbor in occupied Poland is an amazing fact that still awaits the explanation of researchers. The fact that hundreds of thousands of ordinary human beings showed superhuman courage not for a day, not just in battle, but month after month, should amaze and humble us, the urbanized beneficiaries of America's good fortune. Lukas readily admits that the Jewish tragedy in World War II had no parallels. But he helps us comprehend that the Polish tragedy had no parallels either, although in a different way. The grief of the Holocaust has obscured the tragedy of Poles whose land was polluted by the Holocaust executives: those who conceived of the crematoria and then proceeded to build them. The land on which Poles live, and which they love, was thus polluted, and this pollution is a source of suffering for every Pole. The Jewish remnants departed. The Poles stayed. It is their land. They could not afford the luxury of departure. That pain should be acknowledged by those Jews who are concerned with the ramifications of the Holocaust. Surely the people who had to pick up the pieces, so to speak, after the Germans left, deserve some attention and consideration? Surely they too deserve a measure of sympathy, just as Antigone deserved sympathy for mourning the desecration of her brother's body. That sympathy, that understanding, have so far been denied to Poles. Poles expect from the Western world, from Americans and, yes, from America's Jews, a measure of understanding in this matter. Lukas' book strives to generate that ounce of understanding. There is one more aspect of Lukas' book which needs to be mentioned. To Polish Christians it has become increasingly clear that events of World War II need to be viewed not only in moral terms but also in terms of interests. It has to be said, bluntly, that while the interests of Jews and Catholics were the same concerning the Nazis, namely, the Nazis were a sworn enemy, in regard to the Soviets these interests did not coincide. For the Jews, the Soviet Union was a possible refuge from the horrors of Nazi occupation. For all too many Jews, the Soviet Union was a land of promise. A significant part of the secular Jewish community in Poland greeted the Soviets as friends and collaborated with them in every way until the mid-1950s, thus contributing mightily to the destruction of Polish economy, culture, and population. Similar things could be said about the Polish-Soviet war in 1919, when mendacious gossip of "pogroms in Poland" was spread by Marxist and non-Marxist Jews in the West, to prevent the creation of a non-Marxist independent Polish state (Norman Davies, God's Playground, vol. 2, Columbia 1984, 262-3). In contrast, for Polish Christians the Soviet Union was, from the beginning, the country of the Gulag, a sworn enemy bent on destroying the Polish identity.
This aspect of World War II is virtually unknown in the United States. Here we touch upon an issue which is extremely sensitive and has to be approached not in the spirit of accusation but in the spirit of understanding. In Revolution from Abroad: the Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia (Princeton, 1988), Professor Jan Gross says: "For the record, it must be stated unambiguously" that when the Red Army attacked Poland, it was welcomed by smaller or larger but, in any case, visible, friendly crowds in hamlets, villages, and towns. These crowds were largely Jewish ( Gross 29). As I said in my article on the Katyn murders and the Warsaw Ghetto uprising (World War 2 and the Soviet People, edited by John & Carol Garrard, St. Martin's Press, 1993, 213-233), for Jews, the choice between Nazis and Soviets was clear. Throughout the war, a highly visible percentage of Jews in eastern Poland sided with the Soviets and not with the Poles. For Polish Christians, this was an act of treason. For the Jews themselves, it was a means of survival and an ideological choice. The interests of the two groups were dramatically different and I propose to look at it this way. When Polish resistance against the Nazis and against the Soviets got organized, the pro-Soviet groups, including Jewish groups and their sympathizers, were treated like any other segment of enemy forces. In underground struggle, where there is no time for due process and decisions have to be made quickly, it was kill or be killed for the Jews who sided with the Soviets; and for the Poles who sided with the cause of Poland. Lukas cites examples of the pro-Soviet partisans and sympathizers, in the Bialystok and Wilno (Vilnius) area, who were killed by the Polish underground forces. Such was also the case with the family of Ms. Yaffa Eliach who shielded the Soviet NKVD officers, and who now lives in the United States, is rabidly anti-Polish for both psychological and ideological reasons, it seems, and whose hatred, vented in The New York Times, added to that mountain of prejudice against Poles that has ruined many a Polish career in this country. From the standpoint of Polish interests, people like Ms. Eliach's family were traitors who collaborated with the enemy. From the standpoint of Jewish interests, these were Jews who sided with those who offered the best odds for survival. The disparity of interests was tragic for Jews and Poles alike. We have to recognize it, acknowledge it, and come to terms with it. But to recycle these enemies of Polish independence as victims of anti-Semitism is deeply unjust to Poles. Yet this has been done countless times, in countless books, statements, articles, policies, decisions. After 1945 came the Soviet occupation, the aforementioned Jakub Berman, the most dreaded man in Poland, on whose conscience lie the deaths of 30,000 Home Army soldiers murdered in prisons and torture chambers in Soviet-occupied Poland (Teresa Toranska, Them, Harper & Row, 1987, 201-354). Now I realize that these must be painful facts to learn or to recall for those who are overwhelmed by the uniqueness of the Holocaust. But nevertheless, they are significant facts which, for instance, Ms. Eva Hoffman chose to ignore in her book, while resorting to the customary repertoire of anecdotal evidence and insinuation to reinforce the all too pervasive image of Poles as gratuitous anti-Semites and as primitives whose indifference was largely responsible for Jewish losses in World War II. Nothing could be farther from the truth. While Poles in Soviet-occupied Poland after World War II were forced to maintain a frustrated silence, there developed quite a repertoire of invectives that created their own universe of discourse, a universe which no single review can hope to deconstruct. I can only signal its existence. The fact remains that even such relatively mild writers as Ms. Hoffman could not abstain from invoking that repertoire. Yet these accusations, of the alleged deeply-seated and gratuitous anti-Semitism in Poland, are sadly reminiscent of the Nazi strategy of presenting Jews as forever diseased, mentally and physically, and forever a pernicious influence. To cast these impoverished Polish peasants, who never experienced the luxury of a hot shower or of an elegant meal, as near-criminals, to condemn these mute people grilled by American cameramen until they say what the producer wanted them to say, reminds me of the Nazis expressing disgust at some impoverished Jew in the ghetto because he smelled bad and could not afford the luxury of self-defense. No book is an island, and Lukas' book nearly drowns in the sea of scholarship on East Central Europe written by those who have engaged in the generation-old business of demonizing Poles as a nation and as a political entity. Former Nazi collaborators, the Soviets, recycled themselves as allies of the West, and repositioned themselves as legitimate suppliers of evidence and scholarship about Eastern and Central European history. We are still the dubious beneficiaries of this process. The authority of Lukas' book is pitted against the authority of books of that earlier provenance. No book is an island. Yet I am trying to make Lukas' book resonate with you in a way that defies the odds. Lukas' book has nearly drowned in the sea of books that do not want to know what Lukas knows. Perhaps I am engaged in a hopeless task. But I believe that those present here came in order to partake of the truth to hear the full story, to understand and to learn. In spite of tremendous odds, I am confident that the Polish story will have a chance to be heard. I do hope that for the small segment of the Jewish community present here, the book and my presentation of it will make a difference.
Hi! We are group of young people who would like to show our strong disapproval for harmful jewish propaganda aimed at Poland, and its People.
History is very important as it allows us to understand past, which in turn allows to understand our present days - we can not accept when all of that is being falsed.
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